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By the late s, Jean Bodin posited in his chapter on lycanthropy that demons can materially transform human into animal though they cannot alter the human mind. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries saw Werewolf Trials taking place, particularly in France and Germany, in which people were accused of lycanthropy. Summers was a clergyman who wrote on witchcraft, vampires and werewolves. His work is coloured by his belief in the supernatural. This term would then become the preferred medical term for people who believed they could turn into a wolf. In this account Stump transformed into a wolf with the help of a girdle given to him by the Devil.
Accounts of man-wolf transformations were becoming a form of entertainment separated from their bloody reality. These accounts also put forward certain qualities of the werewolf such as its unnatural appetite for human flesh. These, as I will show throughout my chapters, were in part drawn from beliefs about wolves and also reflected back onto the werewolf. According to Summers, the other tracts on the existence of werewolves produced during the s and s were largely repetitious covering the same arguments regarding the bodily transformation of human into animal.
However, these debates demonstrate that the werewolf was not relegated to mere peasant superstition that could be ignored by the church. Lycanthropy and witchcraft were absorbed into Christian teachings as a way of re-asserting the power of the church. Leslie Sconduto discusses the importance of the Christian investigations into werewolves in her work on medieval courtly werewolves.
She explores the need to explain the transformation of human into wolf, through demonic illusion, as a way of rationalising the natural order of the world according to Christianity. By offering a theological explanation for the existence of werewolves that fitted into Christian philosophy, the Church was able to align themselves with popular attitudes whilst confirming their power in combating the supernatural. Leslie A. This relationship between the Christian church, folk beliefs and supernatural creatures can also be seen in the reaction to stories about revenants from Eastern Europe during the early s.
In , the French monk Dom Augustine Calmet published his treatise on supernatural creatures, including vampires. He combines the Christian approach of Bodin and Boguet with the growing interest in rationalism during the Enlightenment. Though dismissive of peasant or pagan accounts of vampires, ultimately Calmet acknowledges their importance through the very act of recording them.
Jan Perkowski argues that the Western vampire is created in the s through the meeting of Serbian peasant beliefs and Austrian Roman Catholicism. Ironically, then, the attempts by Christian scholars to account for these tales had the opposite effect, as it gave them credence within popular culture. Henry Christmas, and ed.
It was slowly separating from its roots in folklore, and the bloody crimes of the Werewolf Trials, to become a creature of the imagination. The idea of the werewolf functioning as a metaphor provides the basis for my analysis of this creature as a powerful symbol within popular culture and, regarding this thesis, fiction. Moreover, the werewolf as metaphor also assigns certain qualities to both the human who transforms and the wolf itself.
This metaphoric relationship can be found in early ideas regarding the wolf in the Church. The engagement with the Werewolf Trials relates to the depiction of the wolf during the medieval period by the Christian Church. The idea of transforming into a monstrous wolf in particular was not coincidental. Barry Lopez argues that both an increase in arable farming and a need by the medieval Christian church to consolidate its power led to wolves becoming synonymous with evil and the devil during the s, culminating in the Werewolf Trials of the s 14 Sconduto, p.
Wolves threatened the livelihood of medieval people by eating livestock, especially sheep, which coheres with Christian symbolism that saw Jesus as both Lamb of God and Shepherd, with humanity as his flock. The malevolent image of the wolf, constructed by the mediaeval Christian church, informs the ravenous werewolf of the Werewolf Trials. During the Enlightenment, studies of lycanthropy were moving away from the theological possibility of these creatures to the refutation of these superstitions, a movement that gave further power to the imagination in creating the monsters.
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The eponymous M. Morphew, , p. Like the fictional M. Oufle, Summers believes in the supernatural and denounces rationalism. Yet he sees the tale of M. The tales of werewolves became symbolic of the superstition of previous generations. The absolutism of both stances, either for or against the existence of werewolves, did not destroy the imaginative power of the werewolf, but 20 Chantal Bourgault Du Coudray, The Curse of the Werewolf: Fantasy, Horror and the Beast Within London: I.
Tauris, , p. She concentrates specifically on film, television and literature from the s onwards, however, she does offer an overview of the werewolf in scholastic texts from the s to the s. In particular this can be seen in the application of pseudo-scientific models to the figure of the werewolf. The Victorian Werewolf and the Universal Monster The rationalist approach towards earlier beliefs in werewolves, Christian or otherwise, continued into the Victorian period.
Osgood and Company, , pp. In this way the idea of the werewolf as a metaphor was continued; studies of the werewolf used it as indicative of the past and it became a Gothic symbol of a less civilised time. During this period, Sabine Baring-Gould published his seminal work on the werewolf, The Book of Werewolves It is often quoted in succeeding texts on the werewolf and offers a blue-print for explaining away the belief in the werewolf through the fields of anthropology, psychology, and folklore.
Moreover, his work sets up key ideas about the werewolf. In this way, Baring-Gould uses the werewolf metaphorically as a way of representing the animalistic evil that is innate in mankind. The wolf aspect of the werewolf, and the threat of transformation from human to animal, embodies the malignant elements of humanity. The importance of maintaining the boundary between mankind and the wolf, which the werewolf threatens, can be seen in the fear of the werewolf, as will be explored in the following chapters. Positivism defines criminal behaviour as a result of uncontrollable circumstances in the world of the human being, not as a product of the human's freedom of will.
The Italian 12 positivist and bilogical school of criminology was founded 13 by Cesare Lombroso. Lombroso was a Jewish physician and psychiatrist, born in in Verona. Lombroso suspected the criminals to be of atavistic origin as their features were closely related to those of inferior primates, apes, negroes, birds of prey, snakes and other animals.
Lombroso's moment of key dicovery about the criminal took place in the winter of He had been trying to find out the anatomical features of criminals and examined the skull of the brigand Vilella using craniometry 23 when he saw the traces of the past:. At the sight of that skull, I seemed to see all of a sudden, lighted up as a vast plain under a flaming sky, the problem of the nature of the criminal - an atavistic being who reproduces in his person the ferocious instincts of primitive humanity and the inferior animals.
Thus were explained anatomically the enormous jaws, high cheek bones, prominent superciliary arches, solitary lines in the palms, extreme size of the orbits, handle-shaped ears found in criminals, savages and apes, insensibility to pain, extremely acute sight, tattooing, excessive idleness, love of orgies, and the irresponsible craving of evil for its own sake, the desire not only to extinguish life in the victim, but to mutilate the corpse, tear its flesh and drink its blood. In addition to that, throwbacks have sensory and functional peculiarities, including greater insensibility to pain and touch, a lack of moral sense, including an absence of reptance and remorse 28 and cannibalsitic instincts.
A person with all the mentioned physical features would look like a stereotypical savage cavemen or an animal. Lombroso later recognized that not all criminals share these features and that disease, as well as environmental and social factors play an important role in the causation of crime, too. He developed the theory of degeneration.
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However, they are the most important type because their crimes are especially monstrous. The other types of criminals were minor offenders, occasional and habitual criminals. Sometimes victims of outright exploitation, woman are also powerful victimizers as well. Besides, female crime is more horrible and cruel than male.
It is not sufficient to murder the enemy, women want to see them suffer and enjoy their death.
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They commit crimes for the sake of the crime. Never would they admit them and so they keep on lying inconsiderately, even though all evidence proofs their guilt. He describes women as extremely jealous, irritable, vindictive and unforgiving creatures without any sense of morality or empathy. This paper concentrates on the Italian, biological theories of crime. Lombroso might have some of his ideas from British forerunners, e.